Thursday, May 07, 2009
Coz u've the right 2 know
Friday, February 15, 2008
BEIRUT : The Lebanese resistance group Hizbullah threatened on Thursday, February 14, an "open" war with the Israeli enemy is accuses of assassination
He said his group's initial investigation into the killing of Mughnieh in a car blast in the Syrian capital on Tuesday, February 12, lead to Israel.
Nasrallah threatened that by killing Mughnieh in Damascus, Israel had moved its ballet against Hizbullah outside Lebanon's borders.
"You killed him outside our battleground. Our battleground with you was on Lebanese territory and you have crossed the border," he said.
"Mark my words," the Hizbullah said empathetically, "the blood of Imad Mughnieh will contribute to wiping out the Jewish state."
Addressing thousands of mourners, including Iran's Foreign Minister Manouchehr Mottaki, Nasrallah said Hizbullah had already started preparing for the next war immediately after defeating the invading Israeli troops in 2006.
"Mughnieh himself championed these preparations and accomplished most of the work," he stressed, adding that the few remaining tasks would be completed by those Mughnieh had groomed.
Mughnieh, in his late 40s, had played a major role in the 34-day war with Israel.
Israel, which welcomed his killing but denied involvement, believes he masterminded the capture of its two soldiers in a cross-border in July 2006.
Simmering Tension
The Hizbullah leader, meanwhile, took a swipe at the March 14 coalition.
He accused some leaders of the ruling majority of turning the third anniversary of former premier Rafiq Hariri's assassination into "a party of curses."
"The Lebanon that we gave our dear leaders will never be Israeli and will never be divided. He (MP Walid Jumblatt) who wants divorce (between the ruling majority and the opposition) can go to his masters in Washington and Tel Aviv," said Nasrallah.
"Lebanon will remain united and in spite of some dwarfs, Lebanon will continue to be a country for resistance."
Across the other side of Beirut, thousands of people amassed to commemorate the murder of Hariri in a 2005 car bombing.
At the rally, speakers gave fiery speeches intensifying their attacks against the Hizbullah-led opposition and accusing Syria of meddling in Lebanese politics.
Druze leader Jumblatt, a sharp Hizbullah critic, accused the opposition of trying to drag Lebanon into the "Iranian-Syrian black evil world."
He even blamed the "double-crossing regime" of Syrian President Bashar al-Assad of killing Mughnieh.
Lebanese Forces boss Samir Geagea also attacked the opposition.
"No to your tents and threats," he said, addressing opposition activists who have been staging an around-the-clock sit-in in the southern half of the Martyrs' Square for more than a year.
"Do not fear them, no matter what they try to do; life is stronger than obstruction," Geagea told supporters.
Saad al-Hariri, the leader of the parliamentary majority, played a softer tone.
"Our hand is extended and will remain extended, no matter what the difficulties," Hariri said addressing himself to the opposition.
"We call on you to elect General Michel Suleiman president of the republic now and not tomorrow so that we can sit together in a government of national unity."
Deadlocked in a political crisis since 2006, Lebanon has been without a president since last November when Emile Lahoud stepped down at the end of his term.
A subsequent power struggle between the ruling majority and the opposition has left a continuing vacuum.
The opposition and governing coalition have agreed on Suleiman, the army leader, as the nominee for president.
But his election has been postponed by a dispute over the division of seats in the new cab.
Source: IslamOnline
Thursday, January 17, 2008
Six hours of Gujarat in U.P. village
Dhanni Deeh/Bhinga (Eastern UP): Gujarat 2002 visited this small village of Sain (Muslim) community 10 July 2007. A week after the fateful day the community is still stunned and unable to resume their normal lives or even to properly speak to strangers. They still find it difficult to believe that what they went through on that fateful Monday could happen to anyone in this land. That kind of savagery and that too from their next door neighbours of Dharmantapur village which is situated barely some 2 and a half kilometers away.
Dhanni Deeh is a village under Sirsia police station on the Bhinga-Tulsipur road, in the newly created district of Shravasti in eastern UP some 65 kilometers from the earlier district headquarters of Bahraich and 22 kilometers from Bhinga, the new district headquarters. But this village is much more remote than what these statistical details show. Here the daily newspaper reaches in the afternoon. This reporter reached the village around mid-day carrying copies of that day’s newspapers. Residents were surprised to find the newspaper so early in the morning. Though a road passes at a distance of 3 kms from the village, it is not easy to reach it and impossible to leave it after sunset. The village is divided on communal lines. About 45 Muslim families live here on one side of the road while about 75 Hindu families live on the other side. Relations between the two communities are normally cordial. Hindus own most of the agricultural land and also have jobs while Muslims barely have around 75 bighas of land among them which is not enough for a living. Hence most males go to Mumbai to work as labourers. Muslims do not believe in educating their children who loiter around while the village seems to be populated by women alone with barely a dozen adult males. There is a mosque in the village but there was no sign that it was in formal use. The trouble started on 7 July 2007. Saleem, son of Abdur Rahman “Chunnu”, aged about 24 years, eloped with Vandana Dwivedi, aged about 18-20 years. Vandana is the elder daughter of the former pradhan (village headman) Krishna Narayan Dwivedi of the nearby village of Dharmantapur. On receiving the threats on 8 July some people of the Sain community, including Salim’s family, left the village same day. Pandit community people had come to the boy’s house late on on 8 July and threatened of “dire consequences” for all the villagers if the girl was not returned. According to a villager, who requested anonymity, on the 9 July the girl’s father and uncle accompanied by two policemen and other supporters came to their locality around 4 pm, and asked about his daughter's whereabouts and demanded that she be returned “peacefully”. According to this source, one of the persons (identified as Ghanshyam Pathak) accompanying them threatened of “dire consequences” and said that “no one’s person or property will be safe”. As the boy’s family had already left, the policemen searched for the girl and the boy in the neighbours’ houses. Flanked by the policemen, Ghanshyam Pathak repeated his threat everywhere he went. That day some more persons of the Sain community asked their womenfolk to go elsewhere. Same day (9 July) the police arrested four persons who were present in the village, namely Moinuddin son of Basharat Ali, 20 years, Ishmir son of Jabbar, 24 years, Abdur Rahman son of Abid Ali, 50 years, and Mubashir son of Liyaqat Ali, 23 years. They also seized one mobile set of Samiullah and a TATA Walky telephone of Tahir Maulana, a teacher who teaches in another village.This seems to be part of the already hatched plan so that no SOS or news goes out of the village when it is attacked next morning.
Moinuddin, who was arrested on the 9th July, told MG, that he saw at least 13 Muslims (four from his village, others from neighbouring villages) in the police lock-up, arrested for their alleged role in the case. He could remember only four other names: Latif, Putau and Baur of Simrehna village under Sirsia police station, Lallu and Nannhe of Parka Bansaha Naya Mauza village. They were released on 13 July and the telephone sets were also returned that same day. On 10 July, at about 8:30 am, members and supporters of Pandit (Brahmin) community began gathering at the Peepal tree near Dharmantapur village, allegedly at the behest of Ashok Mishra, younger brother of a minister in the UP government. People were brought there in tractor trolleys from other villages. Seeing this, some members of the Sain community tried to escape but they were forcibly returned to their village from Dera Bhoji, a neigbhouring village where some people of the Pandit community had gathered. Dhanni Deeh has only two exit routes and one of them passes through Dharmantapur. “This gathering of about 400 to 500 people had taken our senses away,” said Samiullah with tears in his eyes. “We were quite helpless. With only a few males left with us we could only hide ourselves,” he said adding that “We were apprehensive because of an earlier incident which took place some time back at Semrahna village where Muslims were beaten up and women raped en masse in similar fashion.”
When queried by this reporter as to why the threat of a single person, however powerful, made the community run away instead of resisting and why did some villagers stay in the village, Tasweer Ali, son of Azmat Ali, 33 years, replied that some people did not take the threat for real until it really happened.
By around 9:30 am, more people of Pandit community and their supporters had gathered. Now they started to close in on the village. The Sains could not think of anything except to hide in their homes. The crowd was shouting for revenge. They first surrounded the Sains’ houses before starting their attack. The crowd first targeted Saleem’s house before moving to attack his neibours. Their doors were forced open, at times snatched away, belongings were looted and cooked or uncooked food was destroyed. Men of all ages were beaten severely with batons. Even the 80-year old Kallu was not spared. “I could not move freely so I had decided to stay in the village,” he said adding in choked voice that he “begged for mercy but they were raining lathis (batons)”.
Same was the treatment for all males who could not run away. They were told, “today you have nowhere to go.” None of the Hindu villagers of Dhanni Deeh, who number around 100, tried to help the Sains in this hour of trouble. Instead, some of them, identified to this reporter by their names, were part of the savage crowd. After this session of beating and destroying property, the foretold “consequences” began to unfold at around 10 am. Now the crowd started to beat the womenfolk in the same manner. They were asked to strip naked. They pleaded for mercy but no one was ready to listen. Some women escaped to the fields but found the enemy everywhere as the whole village and its agricultural fields were surrounded by the crowd. Women who asked for help were instead caught, stripped and beaten black and blue before being dragged and raped in the open and left to run and again caught and raped by another group at another corner of the village. The whole crowd was playing cat and mouse with naked women crying and running here and there seeking help. “We had nowhere to go that day. We asked each and every person we met to help us but none came forward,” said Khairunnisa, wife of Moinuddin, 21 years. Fatima, wife of Abid Husain, 60 years, told MG: “We were raped because one of our boys had eloped with Barkau's daughter. The culprit must be punished. Hamen saza kyun.. ham ne kya kiya hai jo hamari izzat looti gaee (Why were we punished? Why were we dishonoured?).”“We were not on talking terms with Saleem’s family because he was very much friendly with people of the other community,” said Sadrunnisa's husband Samiullah. Two women, aged around 50 years (Sadrunnisa, wife of Shabbir Ali and Fatima, wife of Sultan Ali) lifted the shirts to show the signs of injuries on their backs. They even said that they were ready to show the injury marks around their private parts. “We are not ashamed as we have no Izzat (chastity/honour) left”, they said. Each of Sabrunnisa, wife of Samiullah (30 years), Sadrunnisa, wife of Shabbir Ali (50 years), Shakira, wife of late Shahabuddin (38 years), Fatima, wife of Sultan (55 years), Salamunnisa wife of Abdurahman (40 years), Bitana, wife of Muzim (22 years), Khairunnisa, wife of Moinuddin (21 years), Fatima, wife of Abid (60 years), Kitabunnisa, wife of Amir Ali (36 years), Zaitunnisa, wife of Basharat Ali (43 years) and Shafiqunnisa, wife of Imaduddin (23 years) said that she has been raped and that too in the open. Only one woman, Sabrunnisa, told MG that she was raped inside her house. Sabrunnisa and Khairunnisa were still sick when this reporter visited the village even after ten days. Injury marks could still be seen clearly on different parts of their bodies. It is hard to deny anything they are claiming because the marks of beating and injuries were still visible. The rape and beating session continued for about six hours and came to an end only at around 4:30 pm when the attackers got tired. Police teams which were earlier visiting and searching the village twice the day before, were nowhere to be seen or heard. People in the area allege that this savagery was committed at the behest of Ashok Mishra and Ghanshyam Pathak of Sirsia who are said to be the main organisers of the attack. The whole attack was well-planned and systematic. Even the beatings were such that no one received any kind of head injury or fracture or cuts and no one was killed.
The whole story could have remained secret and buried in the village had it not been for a local Congress leader, Mohammad Aslam Raini of Bhinga. He took the matter to the police and organised press conferences and rallies in front of the local police officers. Even then the First Information Report (FIR) of the “kidnapping” of Vandana was lodged on 11 July 2007 before the FIR of the attack on Dhanni Deeh which was registered next day, that is two days after the attack. Police officials had already made arrests prior to registering any FIR. Until 19-20 July when this correspondent visited Dhanni Deeh and Bhinga, seven arrests were made in the case no 314/07 FIR dated 11 July 07.During the last 10 days, a number of organisations and government agencies made enquiries. Some have come out in public while the results of some remain secret. The Police department in the area has been reshaped. A few officers have been transferred or suspended. This leads to suspicion that material facts are being suppressed under higher-up pressure. Till date the girl's recovery has not been made while she makes regular phone calls to his relatives and acquaintances in her village telling them that she has married Saleem. When this reporter met the father of the girl, “Barkau” (Krishna Narayan Dwivedi), he simply denied that any atrocities had been committed as are being reported in the press. He claimed that the whole affair has been created on false grounds by a “rival” political group headed by Aslam Raini, who, Barkau claimed, “paid money to level heinous charges against us.” He further claimed that no rape had been committed as the medical reports of the victims suggest. Barkau said he does not have any thing to do with politics. His only concern was that the girl returns safely. He further said that this reporter was the first representative of the press seeking his side of the story. Even Mataprasad Pandey has not visited him, said Barkau who alongwith nine persons had been in jail and was given bail on mercy grounds because his mother-in-law expired in the night of 13-14 July and there was no one to perform her last rites. Barkau said that he had met the father of the boy and had asked him to seek for his daughter's safe return, considering Barkau’s reputation and previous relationship and good behaviour towards Chunnu's family members. Barkau also admitted that the boy (Saleem) had been a regular visitor to his house and that he often offered his services at Barkau's place as a tractor driver. The boy often accompanied the girl to the school. Barkau may not be involved in the actual attack but the whole story suggests that he certainly was involved in the planning, and that goons took advantage to beat, loot and rape Sain Muslim community members. All Hindus in the area met by this reporter denied that any attack or rapes have taken place. Only one person this correspondent met outside the village accepted that the attack and rapes took place. He said that he saw a naked woman running away from the attackers. He knew her because he frequently visited the village. The man realised that he had said something he was not supposed to. He quickly turned his face and walked away before any further questions.“The UP minister and his cohorts are trying to malign me by spreading rumors that I had paid money to the Sain community for making these false accusations. They claim that I had a grudge against the Hindu community because I did not get support from the Pundits of the locality during the last assembly elections and was defeated by the present MLA by only 91 votes,” said Aslam Raini when this reporter visited him in Bhinga. He clarified that he too has been informed that some money has been paid but not on his behalf. It was actually just Rs 500 to a few victims on compassionate grounds by a visiting political leader from Lucknow who met the victims on 17 July. The leader did so when he found that the victims do not have even cooking utensils which were looted during the attack. Aslam Raini too had visited the village on 14 July along with Ms. Rubab Sayyida (MP) and Dr Waqar as part of the Samajwadi Party delegation led by Avdhesh Prasad. He was at the back of the convoy. When Aslam’s car reached Dharmantapur, villagers stopped the vehicle and tried to snatch him out of the car. He at once phoned the police and could return to Sirsia only under police protection. A women's team from the Congress Party, led by Ms. Tarany Pandey, visited Dhanni Deeh and Dharmantapur on 17 July and declared that no rape took place. This reporter found out that Ms. Pandey did not care to meet the victims personally. She went only up to the Idgah while her representatives met the victims. It might be that the representatives told her a different story. Had she met the victims personally she could not have denied the atrocities. On the other hand former Samajwadi leader and ex-minister Beni Prasad Verma met the victims on 17 July and condemned the incident. He also met the family members of the girl and consoled them. Reportedly the police commissioner has submitted a report about this attack. The tragedy has created ripples in the UP state politics. Various parties are raising the issue inside the state assembly and on other platforms. on 16 July, the incident rocked the assembly for the second day. The ruling BSP ruled out mass rape and claimed that prompt action had already been taken, while Samajwadi party leaders demanded the resignation of Daddan Mishra, a minister of state from the area, holding him “morally responsible” for the incident while the BJP and Congress demanded the ordering of an immediate CBI or judicial probe.Former Speaker Mata Prasad Pandey who led a SP delegation to the village to probe the incident described it as abhorrent where women from the age of 10 years to 70 years were publicly humiliated by disrobing them, parading them naked in and around the village and raping some of them. According to him such blatant violation of the law and its subsequent cover up was not possible if the culprits did not have the support of the local administration who depend on the protection of the political bosses. Pandey said the police had not registered the complaint of the victims for two days and this was not a minor lapse but was crucial to the case as it had helped in destroying vital medical evidence which could have implicated the perpetrators of the crime. Pandey wondered how the news of the ghastly incident that lasted four hours on the morning of July 10 did not reach the police station which was just 3 km away. Despite the probe team's report, confirming the mass rape, was shared in the House, parliamentary affairs minister Lalji Verma stuck to the version presented by the government that the medical report of the women did not confirm rape. The Sain community has still not come out of the shock. A majority of them are still hiding here and there, fearful of returning to their homes in the village. Most of their menfolk work in other cities as labourers and visit the village only once in a while. Many houses in Dhanni Deeh village are deserted today, with their doors open and belongings scattered. Out of the forty houses seen by this correspondent only eight seemed to be occupied. Some of them are finding it difficult to cook their food for want of utensils, wheat and grains which were looted or spoilt by the attackers who broke the jars and threw away the stored grains and pulses. Yet they seem resigned to their fate and feel totally helpless to stand against the attackers, many of whom are personally known to them. When this reporter asked that why they did not used the democratic means to get their rights, they said that if we took such a recourse we would not be able to live here. The Sain community has stopped talking to their Hindu neighbours in the village and nearby areas. Tension is writ large. A police force is camping in both villages at present.
Wednesday, August 08, 2007
The story of an unusual convert: From a white extremist to a devout Muslim
"Once I was a 100% sure that I wanted to become a Muslim, I immediately felt better,” said British Muslim convert Mohammed Islam. There can’t be more amazing stories of people converting to Islam as that of British citizen Mohammed Islam, formerly known as John Ord.
Now a devout Muslim, Mohammed used to be an active member of the far-right anti-immigration group, the British National Party (BNP).
"Growing up, I was never particularly religious. I only went to church for weddings, funerals and baptisms,” he told the Eastern Eye Online.
Raised in north-east England, Mohammed joined the BNP when he was 16 because his friends were members. The white extremists’ group quickly deceived him into thinking that all Asians and black people were a threat to his way of life. He said there were “only two policies the BNP had at the time”, which were to “beat them up”, and “kick them out”.
Mohammed described how he used to go “Paki bashing”; harassing Asian people. "We would find them and give them a good kicking and say stereotypical things such as, ‘Why are you in our country and why are you taking our shops and jobs?’"
However Mohammed later became frustrated with the BNP policies and left the party in his early 20s. Still a racist, he went to London and befriended like-minded people who falsely considered Islam a threat.
He said that he and his friends were asked by the police to provoke Muslims in order to get them into trouble and help the police arrest them. "We would always get a response to our statements and this gave the police a reason to arrest Muslims. Often the police would use this method to target those Muslims who were wanted by other countries,” he said.
But Mohammed’s life totally changed when he unknowingly bought a copy of the holy Qur’an.
He said: "I bought the book because of the picture on the cover – it was the most beautiful picture I had ever seen, with the most gorgeous colours and a beautiful building. I thought I’d buy a cheap frame and ended up with a nice picture. I had no idea I had bought the Qur’an until I got home."
Mohammed then decided to read the holy book to find things to use against Muslims. "My mind was telling me that like any book written by humans, it would contain errors and contradictions. I had this view of Islam being this great bad religion."
But when he read the Qur’an, Mohammed realised that Islam was totally opposite to what society had led him to believe.
In 1992, Mohammed left London and returned back to the north-east in 1992. There, he met a group of Muslims and discussed with them issues relating to the Qur’an and Allah (SWT). "Not only were they able to intellectually prove that God existed but also that the Qur’an was the word of God,” he said.
The group also challenged Mohammed to try to prove that Allah (SWT) did not exist and that the Qur’an was not his word. If he succeeded, they would become Christians, but if he failed then he would have to become Muslim.
Mohammed accepted the challenge without hesitation. He said he used to meet the Muslims “with what I thought were convincing arguments but they would always have answers. Eventually I got scared and backed off."
Four years later, he decided to become a Muslim. He took his shahadah in November 1996.
"Because I knew I was about to make a momentous decision that would affect the rest of my life, I felt as if a big rock was crushing me and that I couldn’t breathe… Once I was a 100 per cent sure that I wanted to become a Muslim and took the decision, I felt as if everything just lifted and I immediately felt better,” Mohammed said.
Most people close to Mohammed were not shocked by his conversion to Islam. "I had made the decision to convert a year before and had told people that I was going to become a Muslim."
However, his family didn’t support his decision. "My sister stopped talking to me and still does not talk to me. My father did not want to discuss it because Islam was a totally alien concept and an alien way of life to him. My mother seemed more concerned about what the neighbours would think. Initially she said I couldn’t pray in the house and I told her I’d pray in the garden. But my mother is okay about it, now."
Mohammed has lost all of his old friends. "My friends were going out drinking and chasing girls and I had absolutely nothing in common with them anymore,” he said.
Now Mohammed has no difficulty in practising Islam because he had made a number of changes to his lifestyle a year before becoming a Muslim, such as not drinking alcohol. "Although becoming a Muslim has been a big step, it has not been a massive step in terms of practical issues,” he said.
Since converting, Mohammed has married a Pakistani woman and moved to the Midlands. He said he’d like to get involved in social work and focus on the Muslim community and tackle problems that community leaders are not aware of or are simply ignoring. "I want to try and deal with these social problems that especially affect the youth, with an Islamic perspective."
Wednesday, June 27, 2007
Rape Bid Sparks Massive protests in Bandipur
Kashmir : Police files FIR against the two; counter FIR by Army against villagers
SRINAGAR/BANDIPORE, JUNE 27 : The Army has ordered a court of inquiry into the alleged molestation of a girl by its soldiers in Bandipore on Tuesday. The Commander of the Army’s 15 Corp today said action would be taken against soldiers if found guilty. Even as the J-K police lodged an FIR against the soldiers in the case, the Army has filed a counter FIR against the villagers.
“We have ordered a court of inquiry. We don’t condone any mistake and we will take action (against soldiers), if their fault is proved,” said Corps Commander, 15 Corp, Lt Gen A S Sekhon.
The J-K Police has formally registered an FIR against the soldiers. “We have registered a case against the Havildar and the Lance Naik and they are with us,” Baramulla Senior Superintendent of Police Viplaw Kumar said. On the FIR filed by the Army at Bandipore, a police official said that the Army has stated that the soldiers were on a bonafide search operation when they were assaulted to help the militants escape.
On Tuesday, the villagers of Kunan caught two Armymen, who were posing as militants and had entered a house in civies. They allegedly tried to molest a girl there. The villagers beat up the two, shaved off their heads and ripped their clothes before bringing them to Bandipore in a procession.
“We were sitting together when they (soldiers) called us,” said Mir Jan, mother of the girl. “They were posing as militants and asked for food. They told me to go out so that they could search the house, but told my daughter to stay inside. Suddenly, there was a noise and when I rushed in, I saw her clothes were torn.”
Her statement was corroborated by Mohammad Zaman Khan, an eyewitness. “I heard some noise. When I rushed in, I saw the two soldiers and the girl’s clothes were torn,” he said.
Bandipore and its adjacent villages today observed a complete shutdown to protest against the incident. The villagers of Kunan held a protest demonstration in front of the Bandipore Police Station. They were dispersed only after the police assured them of action in the case.
The alleged molestation has also been condemned by politicians of the Valley. Former Chief Minister Mufti Mohammad Sayeed called for a probe into the incident and reiterated the party’s demand for withdrawal of the Armed Forces Special Powers Act. “There should be a high level impartial probe into the incident at Bandipore and the guilty (personnel) should be punished to restore the confidence of the public,” he said. “The Union and the state Government should take immediate remedial measures and prevent the recurrence of such incidents.”
Wednesday, June 20, 2007
Muslim leaders criticize presidential nominee for asking Indian women to stop using veil
isn't this humorous..! |
Several Muslim leaders called on Prime Minister Manmohan Singh to find a new candidate for the largely ceremonial post of president, after accusing Pratibha Patil of insulting Islam.
The controversy over Patil's remarks erupted even before she filed her nomination for the presidential election, due in July. The cut-off for nominations is June 30.
Maulana Khalid Rashid, a member of the All India Muslim Personal Law Board, said it was God who had asked women to wear a veil and that this was enshrined in the Quran, the Muslim holy book. The board is the highest body of the Muslims in India on laws governing personal matters.
«Any statement against the veil means an opinion against Allah and the Quran which no Muslim will tolerate,» Rashid told The Associated Press.
Addressing a conference in the northwestern city of Udaipur over the weekend, Patil said women started using veils in India to save themselves from Mughal invaders in the 16th century, The Times Of India newspaper reported. She asked women to stop wearing veils.
Muslims account for nearly 14 percent of India's nearly 1.1. billion people. Conservative Muslim women wear headscarves and face-covering veils.
Maulana Hasanul Badr, a Muslim cleric, said it was the duty of Muslim women to cover their bodies.
«Why do politicians interfere in our religious matters? It has become a fashion to pass judgment on Islam,» he said.
«The statement is a clear reflection of Patil's mind-set about Islam and Muslims. It is better that the United Progressive Alliance change its presidential candidate and opt for a more secular person for this post,» he said.
Orthodox Hindu women also cover their faces in the presence of elderly male members of the family.
Maulana Mehmood Madani, general secretary of Ulema-i-Hind, a Muslim organization, accused Patil of twisting history.
«She must apologize and withdraw her observations,» The Times Of India newspaper quoted Madani as saying.
Wednesday, May 30, 2007
Girls led into life of 'sacred' sex slavery
Rampant HIV/Aids adds to misery of India's temple prostitutes forced to attend to Hindu high priests. Peter Foster reports from DhanwadaIt is a tradition as old as India itself - lowly, village girls from "untouchable" families being dedicated to serve as temple prostitutes for Hindu high priests and Brahmin elders.
Dalit girls as young as 10 forgo conventional marriage to a single man in exchange for a life of service to the local deity, performing rituals and puja (prayers) for their village.
At puberty they are "married" to the temple amid ritual and celebration before spending their "wedding night" with the priest or upper-caste elder - a prelude to a life of sexual slavery.
However in modern India the jogini (lady-saints) are facing a new and lethal difficulty in their already-troubled lives - the rise of HIV/Aids in the sub-continent.
India will shortly overtake South Africa as the country with the most HIV sufferers in the world.
In the villages of Andhra Pradesh the scale of the problem is starting to reveal itself.
Research for the Christian Aid charity has found that, despite the practice being officially outlawed in 1986, about 40 per cent of Andhra Pradesh's 42,000 joginis are HIV positive.
As victims of such backward, rural practices, the jogini tradition exemplifies the social and cultural obstacles facing those trying to prevent India's Aids problem from reaching African levels.
Grace Nirmala, a Dalit-born social worker from Hyderabad works educating fellow Dalits on their basic rights.
She explained that, as the lowest-born, the joginis are unable to protect themselves.
"These women have many sexual partners.
" They cannot refuse the men and they cannot ask them to use condoms - and the men certainly aren't going to volunteer to use them," she said. India already has more than five million people infected with HIV, which is still less than 0.5 per cent of the population.
But a World Bank report this year gave warning that if condom use did not improve Aids infection rates would be running at three million per year within a decade.
By 2033, the report estimated, Aids could be India's biggest killer, outpacing malaria and other water-borne diseases and diarrheal infections.
When Mrs Nirmala arrives in the village of Dhanwada, 100 miles south of Hyderabad, 10 joginis gather in the gaudily-painted temple to the goddess Yallamma to welcome her.
Among them is 19-year-old Chinaguddi, a bashful but beautiful young woman dressed in a flowing, blue sari. She was only 12 years old when she was dedicated to Yallamma.
Her story, according to Mrs Nirmala, is typical. Chinaguddi never went to school, has a sick mother who cannot work and a father who died when she was young and so is ripe for exploitation.
"The people in the village respect me," she says falteringly. "They ask me to come and perform some puja for them because I am jogini and have been dedicated to Yallamma."
Chinaguddi does not remember fear or choice. Her dedication was an event that occurred beyond her control. "My mother has asthma and is too weak for working, so this is my life," she says simply.
Joginis live with their families and continue to serve the temple until their looks fade. Like the brothel madams of European tradition, elder joginis support and counsel the next generation.
Everyone in the village knows Chinaguddi is a jogini and, according to practice, upper-caste men will approach her mother with gifts of money and food, for permission to have a "friendship" with her.
Asked if she feels angry at her situation, Chinaguddi expresses regret but accepts that, as a dalit with multiple sexual partners and a family who rely on her, she has little choice.
"Sometimes I ask why mother did this to me. Why I cannot have a normal marriage and go and live in a husband's village," she says.
"But what can I do? Who will marry me now? I am a jogini."
